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Message: 25th Principle--"Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations
25th
Principle
"Peace, commerce, and honest
friendship with all nations --
entangling alliances with none."
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These are the words of Thomas Jefferson, given in his
first inaugural address. (Bergh, Writings of Thomas Jefferson,
3:321.)
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As the United States emerged on the world scene in the
eighteenth century, American leaders took a united and fixed
position against entangling alliances with any foreign powers
unless an attack against the United States made such
alliances temporarily necessary.
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This was the Founders' doctrine of "separatism." This
was far different from the modern term of "isolationism." The
latter term implies a complete seclusion from other nations,
as though the United States were to be detached and
somehow incubated in isolation from other nations.
In point of fact, the policy of the Founders was just the
opposite. They desired to cultivate a wholesome relationship
with ALL nations, but they wished to remain aloof from
sectional quarrels and international disputes. They wanted to
avoid alliances of friendship with one nation which would
make them enemies of another nation in a time of crisis.
They wanted to keep American markets open to all countries
unless certain countries engaged in hostilities toward the
United States.
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Switzerland Followed the Founders' Policy
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The Founders' original policy was similar in many ways
to that of modern Switzerland, which has successfully
remained neutral and aloof from entangling alliances during
two world wars and numerous European quarrels. During
these periods of intense military action, Switzerland did not
follow a policy of "isolationism," but one of universal
diplomatic relations with all who might wish to come to
Switzerland to buy, sell, borrow, or bank. She took a hostile
posture toward none unless threatened. In general terms,
this is analogous to the doctrine of "separatism" practiced by
the early American leaders.
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Washington Describes the Founders' Plans
The universality of foreign relations which Washington
hoped to engender is reflected in the following statement
from his famous Farewell Address:
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"Observe good faith and justice toward all nations.
Cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and
morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good
policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a
free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great
nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and too
novel example of a people always guided by an
exalted justice and benevolence." (Fitzpatrick,
Writings of George Washington, 35:231.)
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From experience Washington was well aware of the
natural tendency to classify nations as "friends" or "enemies."
He felt that in the absence of political, military, or
commercial hostility toward the United States, every effort
should be made to cultivate friendship with all. He wrote:
"In the execution of such a plan nothing is more
essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies
against particular nations and passionate attachments
for others should be excluded, and that in place of them
just and amicable feelings toward all should be
cultivated. The nation which indulges toward another an
habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is in some
degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its
affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray
from its duty and its interest." (Ibid.)
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Washington pointed out that "antagonism by one nation
against another disposes each more readily to offer insult
and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be
haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions
of dispute occur." (Ibid.)
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Washington Describes the Founders' Plans
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The universality of foreign relations which Washington
hoped to engender is reflected in the following statement
from his famous Farewell Address:
-
"Observe good faith and justice toward all nations.
Cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and
morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good
policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a
free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great
nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and too
novel example of a people always guided by an
exalted justice and benevolence." (Fitzpatrick,
Writings of George Washington, 35:231.)
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From experience Washington was well aware of the
natural tendency to classify nations as "friends" or "enemies."
He felt that in the absence of political, military, or
commercial hostility toward the United States, every effort
should be made to cultivate friendship with all. He wrote:
"In the execution of such a plan nothing is more
essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies
against particular nations and passionate attachments
for others should be excluded, and that in place of them
just and amicable feelings toward all should be
cultivated. The nation which indulges toward another an
habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is in some
degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its
affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray
from its duty and its interest." (Ibid.)
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Washington pointed out that "antagonism by one nation
against another disposes each more readily to offer insult
and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be
haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions
of dispute occur." (Ibid.)
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The Problem with "Playing Favorites"
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By the same token, the United States could become
overly attached to some nations because the people feel a
special kinship or affection toward them. Washington
warned:
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"So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation
for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the
favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary
common interest in cases where no real common
interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the
other, betrays the former into a participation in the
quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate
inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions
to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others,
which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the
concessions, by unnecessarily parting with what ought
to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will,
and disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom
equal privileges are withheld." (Ibid., p. 232.)
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Concerning Most-favored Nations
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Washington also warned that giving a more favored
status to particular nations could open up the United States
to strong foreign influences which could subvert the security
or best interests of the United States. In fact, American
officials seeking to accommodate friendly allies could
inadvertently compromise American interests to a very
dangerous extent. Washington said:
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"Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, I
conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens, the jealousy of
a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history
and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the
most baneful foes of republican government. But that
jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes
the instrument of the very influence to be avoided
instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for
one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause
those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side
and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence
on the others. Real patriots, who may resist the
intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected
and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the
applause and confidence of the people to surrender their
interests." (Ibid., p. 233.)
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What American Foreign Policy Should Be
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Washington then made his famous declaration of the
Founders' policy of foreign relations:
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"The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to
foreign nations, is in extending our commercial relations
to have with them as little political connection as
possible. So far as we have already formed engagements,
let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us
stop." (Ibid.)
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Even within the previous few years, Washington had
seen the tendency to get the United States embroiled in
European disputes, and he saw them operating to the
distinct disadvantage of the United States. Therefore, he
warned:
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"Europe has a set of primary interests which to us
have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be
engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which
are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore,
it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by
artificial ties, in the ordinary combinations and
collisions of her friendships or enmities.... Why, by
interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe,
entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of
European ambition, rivalship, interests, humor, or
caprice?" (Ibid., p. 234.)
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A World Policy
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And what he had said concerning Europe he would say
to the rest of the world:
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"It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent
alliances with any portion of the foreign world. So far, I
mean, as we are now at liberty to do it, for let me not be
understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to
existing engagements (I hold the maxim no less
applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty
is always the best policy). I repeat it, therefore: let those
engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in
my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to
extend them." (Ibid.)
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He said that "temporary alliances" may be justified for
"extraordinary emergencies," but other than that, "harmony,
liberal intercourse with all nations are recommended by
policy, humanity, and interest." (Ibid., p. 235.)
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The Founders' Effort to Reconcile
"Separatism" with Manifest Destiny
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American separatism did have one aspect which was
clearly distinct from Swiss neutrality: the Founders accepted
the doctrine of "Manifest Destiny." This placed upon the
American people the responsibility of serving as the vanguard
nation for the moral and political emancipation of all
mankind. Freedom, education, and progress for all men were
a common denominator in the thinking of early American
leaders.
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"The one compelling duty of America is to put its
own house in shape, and to stand upon an economic
system that will make its natural resources available to
the intelligence, industry and use of the people. When
we do that the way to world redemption from the folly of
present chaos will stand out in our country so clearly,
honestly and usefully that we shall be copied wherever
peoples do their own thinking. (Charles A. Lindbergh,
Sr., The Economic Pinch, 1923, reprint ed., Omni
Publications, Hawthorne, California, 1976, pp. 233-235.)
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"America, multi-raced and multi-nationed, is by
tradition, by geography, by citizenry, by natural
sympathy, and by material interest, the great neutral
nation of the earth. God so designed it. Drawn from all
races, creeds, and nations, our sympathies run to every
oppressed people. Our feelings engaged on opposite
sides of great differences, will in their natural course, if
held in due and proper restraint, neutralize the one
[with] the other. Directed in right channels, this great
body of feeling for the one side or the other will ripen
into sympathy and love for all misguided and misled
fellowmen who suffer in any cause, and this sympathy
and love will run out to all humanity in its woe....
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